When the Press Club of India oganized a protest on its premises against the Shiv Sena attack on IBN-Lokmat, just about 20 members from the journalistic fraternity turned up apart from some IBN staff. Of course there were extenuating circumstances – many people did not know about the protest, while many others could not wrest themselves away from work. But the poor attendance was telling. Even the influential and informed community of journalists appears to have become inured to such incidents. After all, this is not the first time media personnel have been physically assaulted in Maharashtra.
Uddhav Thackeray’s Shiv Sena launched the attack to get the better of rival Raj Thackeray, who is increasingly accruing greater clout as uncle Bal Thackeray’s power wanes. Raj has made politics a free-for-all arena. You can take on anyone if you hold some value in electoral politics. In Maharashtra, of all the states, democracy is under attack every day. Following in the footsteps of his uncle, Raj first attacked the hapless Bihari workers. Then, students from other states appearing for competitive exams were thrashed. Having sent his own son to an English-medium school, he is crusading for the Marathi language. The ultimate atrocity was when a legislator was assaulted for taking the oath of office in Hindi.
The politics of violence has turned competitive. And Raj’s goons will try to go one better in this politics of rowdyism. His main aim is to decimate his uncle and cousin Uddhav.
The other players, mainly the mighty Maratha, Sharad Pawar, and the Congress party with its innumerable stalwarts, are still looking the other way as the rowdies take over the state. It is lucrative politics for them. People believe Pawar is soft on Raj as he probably visualizes the latter’s Maharashtra Navnirman Sena growing mightier five years down the line, and helping him to instal daughter Supriya Sule as Chief Minister. The Congress, on the other hand, believes the split in opposition votes would gradually enable it to recover its supremacy in the state.
As Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar said: “The beneficiary of the politics that is going on is the Congress. The party escapes whenever something like this happens which damages the social fabric of society.”
Bachchan and Johar, who have to survive in Mumbai, accepted his writ as supreme. In future, more and more people will have to do so. The culture of violence is spreading. Even an icon like Sachin Tendulkar is not being spared
Raj formed the MNS in 2006. In 2008, he targeted the “immigrants” in Shivaji Park. And since then he has challenged everyone and everything: the Bachchan family, chhat puja, Karan Johar and Abu Azmi. Bachchan and Johar, who have to survive in Mumbai, accepted his writ as supreme. In future, more and more people will have to do so. The culture of violence is spreading. Even an icon like Sachin Tendulkar is not being spared.
It behoves us to remember that, many years ago, another person trod the same path with impunity and the nation paid a heavy price.
In the beginning, Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale was a sort of missionary who preached the basic tenets of Sikhism among rural people. Then he became the leader of the Damdami Taksal, and the seeds of political ambition were sown in him. Zail Singh (Chief Minister till 1977 and Home Minister from 1980) found in him the challenger to the Jat-dominated Akali politics. His agenda was to divide the Akalis and undermine the authority of the Shiromani Akali Dal in order to establish the Congress in the state. The Dal Khalsa, led by Bhindranwale, started its political journey with the secret blessings of Indira Gandhi and Sanjay Gandhi on April 13, 1978. The young Bhindranwale’s first foray into politics was a failure. In 1979, he put up 40 candidates for the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee (SGPC) election for 140 seats. His men secured four.
Soon after, Bhindranwale’s men started murdering and intimidating people. They killed Nirankaris and journalists. Nirankari leader Baba Gurbachan Singh and his aide were shot dead in Delhi on April 25, 1980. All those against whom warrants were issued either belonged to the Jatha of Bhindranwale or were his relatives or associates, and were under his protection. The Centre, now in the hands of the Congress, did not act. On September 9, 1981, Lala Jagat Narayan was shot dead near Ludhiana. Bhindranwale’s name cropped up in each such incident but Congress Chief Minister Darbara Singh was reluctant to act against the young Sant. Bhindranwale became a hero, one who was above the law.
On September 29, 1981, Dal Khalsa members hijacked an Indian Airlines plane to Lahore. On April 25, 1983, Avtar Singh Atwal, Deputy Inspector General of the Punjab Police, was shot dead as he emerged from the Golden Temple. Everybody knew who was behind these incidents and where he was. When Indira Gandhi finally decided to contain Bhindranwale, it was too late. He was entrenched in the Golden Temple.
Had Bhindranwale been arrested in time, Harcharan Singh Longowal, Prakash Singh Badal and Gurcharan Singh Tohra could have influenced moderate opinion and negotiations could have been peacefully concluded. But that would have strengthened the Akali Dal, something Mrs Gandhi would not allow. The Punjab accord was signed in 1985, after her death.
Sadly, we are seeing history’s mistakes being repeated today in Maharashtra. That too at a time when people have categorically rejected the politics of hate.
Is it not the responsibility of the government of the day to implement rule of law? Why is Raj Thackeray not behind bars?
The narrow interests of politicians like Sharad Pawar and others is allowing democracy to be held at ransom. Is there no means for redressal against this? If the Supreme Court has taken the initiative to book those guilty of the Gujarat pogrom, can it not act suo motu when perpetrators of violence go scot free?
These are questions being asked by ordinary people, those who have made India a mature democracy and are being forced to watch helplessly while the leaders now destroy it.
Posterity should know it was not the people of Maharashtra who were to blame for the rise of Raj Thackeray. Like the people in most parts of the country, they held out against the politics of hate and violence for years. It was the rulers who failed them. That too, intentionally.
