There is a saying in Punjabi “ਧਰਮ ਨਾਲੋਂ ਧੜਾ ਪਿਆਰਾ” (Faction is more important than religion) and no party in Punjab personifies this adage more than Punjab Congress .True to its history and tradition, the latest round of Congress factionalism was formerly inaugurated on 6th April 2025 when two parallel rallies were organised at Sultanpur Lodhi, one by Congress President Raja Warring which included many Congress stalwarts like Partap Bajwa, 
The battle line seems to be clearly drawn now with Raja, Partap, Sukhjinder and Khaira on one side and Rana, Pargat and Ashu on the other with the 6-7 Congress CM contenders now arrayed against each in two broad factions.
Historical Context
Factions are subgroups within political parties which have distinct identities, goals, ideologies and interests, often in variance with other factions and actively compete with each other to dominate the party.
Factions have been part and parcel of politics and political parties ever since its inception. Chartists versus aristocratic Whigs in the UK in the 1840s within the Whig party, Old Guard versus Young Turks in early 20th Century Türkiye, Bolsheviks versus Mensheviks in the Social Democratic party in pre-revolution Russia, Gandhians versus Socialists in Congress before 1947 are some historical examples of factions within political parties. Punjab Congress has been no exception in this regard.
In fact, what distinguishes Congress , the oldest political party of Punjab from others is the persistence of factionalism within the party.
Factional History of Punjab Congress
A. Before 1947
Factionalism in the Punjab Congress in the pre partition era should be understood in the context that Congress as a party occupied the oppositional space against British imperialism. At the same time it should be remembered that Congress unlike in many parts of India was not the preeminent party in Punjab. Both in 1937 and 1946 elections it played second fiddle to the landlord dominated Unionist Party and the Muslim League respectively. Punjab Congress was largely an Urban party with a base in East Punjab and virtually absent from large parts of Western Punjab. Factions in the party were largely based on ideology, religion and region.
In pre-partition Punjab, the Congress Party was divided into several factions. The dominant Urban Hindu faction, led by Lala Lajpat Rai and later by Bhim Sen Sachar and Gopi Chand Bhargava, represented upper-caste, urban professionals and traders, mainly in cities like Lahore, Amritsar, Ambala. The Rural Jatt-Sikh faction, rising in the 1930s with leaders like Partap Singh Kairon and Chhotu Ram (earlier period), focused on agrarian and Sikh interests and often clashed with the urban elite. A Pro-Gandhian faction, including Dr. Satyapal and Saifuddin Kitchlew were influenced by Gandhian principles and moral politics. Lastly, the Muslim faction, active during the Khilafat movement with leaders like Mian Iftikharuddin, promoted Hindu-Muslim unity but lost ground with the rise of the Muslim League in the 1940s.
B. 1947-1966
After independence and the partition of Punjab, the Punjab Congress dominated East Punjab. Hindus dominated the state while Sikhs became a significant minority (30%). This era was notable for resettlement of refugees, integration of Princely states, agrarian and industrial development and Punjabi Suba movement.
Congress won the elections of 1952, 1957 and 1962 comfortably. In the words of Rajni Kothari in this era of “Congress System” where Congress dominance was absolute both at the centre and at regional level, it acted like an “Umbrella” or “Big Tent” party which accommodated diverse interest groups and ideologies providing democratic space and stability in a pluralistic society.
Many former Akalis like Baldev Singh, Hukum Singh, Swaran Singh, Udham Singh Nagoke and others joined Congress during this period and made Congress popular in the rural areas. The Congress party in Punjab gained significant support among Dalits starting from the 1940s, which was further solidified by the inclusion of Mangoo Ram’s party.This era began with the dominance of the Urban Hindus and the Chief Ministership rotated between Gopi Chand Bhargava and Bhim Sen Sachar from 1947 and 1956. This faction closely aligned with the Centre, believed in industrial development and supported Maha Punjab.
However the Jatt Sikh faction became dominant with the advent of Partap Singh Kairon, who dominated state politics between 1956 and 1964 and closely aligned with the development policies of a centralised Nehruvian state and opposed Punjabi Suba movement. However Kairon’s authoritarian policies also led to intra Jatt rivalries with the likes of Devi Lala and Darbara Singh.This era also had a significant “Punjabi Suba” faction led by the likes of Giani Kartar Singh, which wanted a separate Punjabi and Sikh dominated state .They were appeased by the Sachar Formula but they eventually parted with Congress over the issue of Punajbi Suba.There was also a significant faction of Haryana regionalists which included Shri Ram Sharma, Devi Lal and Banarsi Dass Gupta and which resented Punjabi and Sikh domination and clamoured for more resources for the backward South Punjab.
C. 1966-1997
This period began with the creation of the Punjabi Suba and the Green revolution and was marked by political instability, rise of militancy and the end of Congress domination. Punjab after the reorganisation in 1966 became a Sikh dominated state (62%). Akali Dal became a significant electoral opponent of Congress . Indira Gandhi’s authoritarianism and obduracy along with rise of Sikh Fundamentalism led to Operation Bluestar and Militancy from 1978 to 1993.
Congress was able to form three governments during this period—1971-77, 1980-83 and 1992-1997 and alternated in power with Akali Dal—1977-80, 1985-87. There were also lengthy periods of President’s rule 1983-85 and 1987-92. Congress became immensely unpopular after Operation Bluestar and its last govt (1992-97) was formed mainly due to boycott of Akali Dal and militants.
At the same time Jatt Sikhs, the dominant caste of Punjab became predominant in state politics both in Congress and Akali Dal and among regions Malwa became more prominent. All the leaders of Congress after Giani Zail Singh came from the Jatt Sikhs— Darbara Singh, Beant Singh, Harcharan Brar, Jagmeet Brar and Rajinder Kaur Bathal.
During this period Congress became a “High Command” party under Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi. Punjab Congress leaders now increasingly played subservient role to the National leadership while loyalty and sycophancy to the high command became the dominant virtues. High Command actively encouraged factionalism in the party and always promoted two or three factions to keep their dominance of the state unit.
Faction fights were increasingly overpowered and personality and less on ideology. Though increasingly those opposing high command favourites began to take up Sikh, Peasant and Punjab issues.
The Urban faction of Congress comprising upper caste Hindus remained loyal to the party and included leaders like Balram Jakhar and Raghunandan Lal Bhatia, but they lost their dominance in Congress and largely played subservient role to the Jatt Sikhs but remained staunch High Command supporters.
Two other Factions were also important during this period, one those supporting Sikhs issues and focusing on their regional aspirations. This included the likes of Gurdial Singh Dhillon and Captain Amarinder Singh (Pre 1984) and the second comprising the hardliners against militancy which included Darbara Singh (early 80s) and Beant Singh (early 90s) supported by KPS Gill.
D. 1997-2014
Punjab in this period saw the dominance of SAD (Badal) in alliance with BJP. It remained in power for 15 out of the 20 years upto 2017. This period saw Punjab Politics being dominated by Populism, Money & Muscle Power and Dynastic Politicians. This period is marked by prolonged fiscal distress and socio-economic decline. As industries faltered and debt mounted, mafias took root— in sand, liquor, and transport. Agrarian stress, Migration, Drugs and Religious strife increased while Punjab found itself increasingly sidelined in the national narrative
By the end of this period from 2014, a new third player which gave voice to these new concerns— AAP came to prominence.Punjab Congress was largely dominated by the towering presence of Captain Amarinder Singh during this period who revitalised Congress in Punjab playing the regional, Sikh and Peasant card. He was aided by the money power of Rana Gurjit Singh, Arvind Khanna etc. Jatt Sikh dominance of the Congress became more pronounced as many Jatt Sikhs like Manpreet Badal, Jeet Mohinder Sidhu, Kiki Dhillon, Gurpreet Kangar and others joined the Congress . Challenges to Captain. Amarinder Singh was associated with other Jatt leaders such as Rajinder Kaur Bhathal and Partap Singh Bajwa. It was the intra-jatt rivalry which cost Congress the 2012 elections. 
This period also saw the Congress high command losing its pre-eminence which ensured that high command loyalists like Jagmeet Brar, Bibi Rajinder Kaur Bhathal, Partap Bajwa repeatedly losing out to Captain Amarinder Singh. Urban Hindu lobby with leaders like Brahm Mohindra continued to be marginalised. This period also saw Dalit leaders from Doaba like Chaudhry Jagjeet Singh and Chaudhry Santokh Singh becoming prominent in the first Captain govt.
E . 2014-Present
The last 10 years in Punjab has seen the end of the traditional two-party system and the emergence of a third force in AAP which came to power in 2022. It has also seen the collapse of Akali Dal, rise of BJP and revival of Panthic Sikhs. This period is also notable for the Panthic and Kisan agitation and the assertion of civil society. At the same time the issues of fiscal distress, drugs, mafias, migration, law & Order, Unemployment continue to bedevil Punjab.Voting became individualised and role of digital technology in elections became decisive. Other social groups began challenging the dominance of Jatt Sikhs and their concerns.
This period began with the dominance of Punjab Congress by the faction of Captain Amarinder Singh. He muscled out the challenge of Partap Bajwa and was aided by the “Majha Brigade” comprising the likes of Sukhjinder Randhawa and Tripat Bajwa. Captain Amarinder Singh became the CM in 2017. However, a new faction emerged under the mercurial Navjot Sidhu who had joined the Congress on the eve of the 2017 elections. Sidhu’s populist rhetoric of “ending Mafia Raj and 75:25 coalition” targeted both the Akali Dal and Captain Amarinder. Sidhu was aided by former Olympian Pargat Singh and high command favourites like Raja Warring. In 2021, the high command replaced Captain due to his non-performance, unpopularity, and desertion of the Majha Brigade. Navjot Singh Sidhu was appointed as Party President, and Charanjit Channi became the Chief Minister. Intense rivalry between Sidhu and Channi became one of the factors for the Congress losing power in 2022.
The removal of Amarinder Singh and the subsequent rivalries among Congress leaders have prompted the Congress High Command to reestablish its authority. This has been aided by the revival of Rahul Gandhi after the “Bharat Jodo Yatra” as the undisputed leader of the party. Currently there are a number of factions in the party and many CM contenders including Former CM Charanjit Singh Channi, Party President Raja Warring, LOP leader Partap Singh Bajwa, Sukhjinder Randhawa, Rana Gurjit Singh and Pargat Singh. They can further be divided into two main factions, one led by Raja Warring and Partap Bajwa comprising traditional Congress men having the support of Congress High Command and the second- a regional and Punjab centric faction comprising Rana Gurjit and Pargat Singh with certain others like Charanjit Channi keeping a neutral stand.
Features
The history of Congress factionalism points out certain features: –
1. Factionalism is one of the core features of Congress Politics in Punjab.
2. Factionalism in Punjab Congress has largely been power struggles with ideology playing a second fiddle.
3. Two Types of Factions have dominated the Congress —A high command faction and a regional faction.
4. Jatt Sikh leaders have dominated Congress factions since the mid-1950s and especially after 1966.
5. Urban Hindu led factions after initial domination have been relegated to a subordinate position.
6. Which faction —High Command favourites or regional face will dominate Punjab Congress has largely dependent upon the strength of Congress high command.
7. Factions have ensured representation and plurality to different sections of Punjab’s population.
Analysis
Most analysts view factionalism in Punjab Congress negatively.
1. Factional Fights and their active support by Congress high Command has led to a culture of sycophancy and opportunism in Congress. This became much pronounced after the 1970s.
2. It also has led to encouragement of leaders loyal to the high command who have occasionally bartered state interests. The most prominent example is that of Darbara Singh who in 1981 signed the tripartite accord on river waters under duress thereby weakening Punjab’s case on river waters.
3. Congress Factional feuds have led to larger tragedies. The tug of war between Giani Zail Singh and Darbara Singh has often been blamed for triggering the Punjab tragedy of the 1980s
4. Congress itself has to face defeat in state elections, most prominently in 2012 when Captain Amarinder Singh tried to decimate his political rivals— Jagmeet, Bhathal and Bajwa who in return ensured his defeat. The humiliating defeat in 2022 was also attributed to the Sidhu-Channi feud.
However, despite these negative points, Factionalism has also been positive virtues which have largely been ignored by analysts.
1. The longevity and strength of Congress party in Punjab can largely be attributed to its pluralistic ethos. Factions ensure diversity of ideas and representation enabling Congress to prosper in good time and survive in troubled times. Congress through factions accommodate Jatt Sikhs, Urban Hindus, OBCs and Dalits as well left, right and centre accurately reflecting Punjab’s pluralism.
2. Factionalism has led to increased competition and innovation in the party. Factional leaders relentlessly compete with each other, strengthening the party in the process. For example among the present CM contenders of the party— Charanjit Channi through parliament, Partap Bajwa as LoP, Raja Warring through organisational restructuring, Pargat Singh through incessant criticism of govt, Rana Gurjit through his “maize model” are occupying most of the opposition space which have ensured that Congress remains at the pole position to challenge AAP.This internal competition also ensures that most of these leaders through their factions keep their grassroot supporters energised and mobilised.
3. Factionalism encourages internal democracy and keeps a check on power. Congress unlike other Punjab Parties —AAP, BJP, SAD, gives much more space to internal dissent and freedom to express themselves. One can find all types of voices in Congress — Sukhpal Khaira (Panthic), Rana Gurjit (Capitalist), Dr Dharamvira Gandhi (left), Navjot Sidhu (Populist).
4. This openness to all types has ensured that the party has inducted leaders from other parties to strengthen and revive itself when in trouble, giving them free space through factionalism and allowing them to grow themselves and the party. In the1940s and 50s Congress expanded itself in the state by inducting Jatt Sikh leaders like Partap Singh Kairon, Baldev Singh, Hukum Singh, Giani Kartar Singh and including Dalit leaders like Master Gurbanta Singh from the Ad Dharam movement. In the 1990s and 2000s it regained Jatt Sikh and rural support by including leaders like Captain Amarinder Singh, Manpreet Badal, Sukhpal Khaira, Navjot Sidhu and Pargat Singh.
5. Factionalism has ensured that the type of talent and depth which Punjab Congress has is unrivalled in any other party. Congress clearly has 4 generations of leadership: –
I. The First Generation which is on its way out has leaders in their 70s— Rajinder Kaur Bathal, Lal Singh, Shamsher Singh Dullo and others.
II. The Second generation which is now fighting for the top crown are mostly in their 50s and 60s. They include Charanjit Channi, Partap Bajwa, Sukhjinder Randhawa, Rana Gurjit, Pargat Singh, Sukhpal Khaira, Navjot Sidhu etc.
III. The third generation in their 40s and early 50s include Raja Warring, Vijay Inder Singla, Bharat Bhushan Aashu etc.
IV.
The fourth generation in their 30s and in the early stage of their careers include Barinder Dhillon, Smit Singh, Angad Saini etc.
This depth in leadership has ensured that Congress has largely remained unaffected by the desertion of stalwarts like Captain Amarinder Singh, Sunil Jakhar and Ravneet Bittu. This depth ensures that the party largely remain unaffected by desertion or eclipse of any of their leaders as it could easily replace them with a new leader.
6. Factionalism enabled the Delhi based high command to ensure that the competition in the party remains manageable and within control. On most occasions the party high command after making the different factions fight have sided with the dominant faction. Captain Amarinder Singh’s repeated victories over other factions testifies to that.
Conclusion
The history of factionalism in the Punjab Congress is as old as the party’s presence in the state itself. While often viewed as a sign of weakness, disunity, and opportunism, a closer look reveals that factionalism has been both a bane and a boon.
On one hand, it has undoubtedly led to internal sabotage, sycophancy, and electoral setbacks. Yet, on the other, it has also kept the party vibrant, pluralistic, and deeply rooted in Punjab’s diverse social fabric. Unlike many other parties where dissent is stifled, Congress in Punjab has functioned more like a political ecosystem—accommodating a spectrum of castes, regions, ideologies, and generations.
This persistent churn within the party has paradoxically helped it endure, evolve, and often reinvent itself in times of crisis. The Congress in Punjab, despite setbacks and defections, continues to remain relevant largely due to the competition, accountability, and ideological breadth generated by its factions. In many ways, “ਧਰਮ ਨਾਲੋਂ ਧੜਾ ਪਿਆਰਾ” (“Faction is dearer than religion”) may not just be a sarcastic comment on political infighting, but also an apt description of how internal factions have acted as both the party’s Achilles’ heel and its secret strength.
Prof Harjeshwar Singh
Prof Harjeshwar Pal Singh is a veteran writer on Punjab History and Politics. Director, Punjab Thinks
