Union Commerce G Industry Minister Kamal Nath has always been supremely ambitious. Yet, in nearly three decades of political life, his cherished goals have often floated on a horizon beyond his grasp.And proximity to the Nehru-Gandhis—sometimes real, sometimes fancied— has not always helped.| by Anil Tyagi
In 1980, as a contender for the chief ministership of Madhya Pradesh, he lost out to Arjun Singh. Mrs Gandhi swept the general election and the Madhya Pradesh Assembly polls as well.Three men were chief ministerial candidates – Shiv Bhanu Solanki, Ar- jun Singh and the young Kamal Nath. Sanjay Gandhi was opposed to Solanki, a tribal leader. So he pooled the Arjun Singh and Kamal Nath votes. And Ar- jun Singh was picked as CM, leaving Kamal Nath to bide his time.
When Mrs Gandhi died, there was much speculation about Kamal Nath’s future. Rajiv Gandhi wasn’t particular-ly enamoured of him. But he found his way into the latter’s power coterie.
Yet, if his loyalty to the Nehru- Gandhis has ensured his survival, it has also on occasion pushed him to the brink of annihilation. Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination plonked Kamal Nath at a political crossroads. Rigid ideological divisions appeared within the Con- gress as PV Narasimha Rao emerged the party’s candidate for prime min- istership.
Many partymen aspired to the post and Kamal Nath was one of them but no one took him seriously. Asked dur- ing an interview by a journalist if he would like to be PM, he said, “Why not?” and added that the nation should be led by a young man. The senior leadership was enraged and took him to task. He was left licking his wounds. Kamal Nath then backed Arjun Singh for PM. In the eventuality, it was Nara- simha Rao who became the first non- dynastic Congress PM.
Narasimha Rao still inducted the young aspirant into his Cabinet as min- ister for forests and environment. And then the hawala scandal broke, forcing Kamal Nath to give up his parliamen-tary seat. But he knew he had a firm grip on his constituency, Chhindwara, and made his wife, Alka Nath, contest the vacated seat. She won and became a loyal lieutenant.
When it was time for Kamal Nath to return to the public spotlight, his wife resigned and he contested – only to lose the seat to the former BJP chief minister, Sunderlal Patwa.And, though the public façade of a happy marriage continues, insiders say the couple’s re- lationship has not been cordial since.
Today, Kamal Nath faces the pros- pect of losing the constituency he has nurtured – even building a private helipad to fly in and out easily. Under the reorganization of Parliamentary constituencies, Chhindwara might be reserved for tribal candidates. Thir- teen per cent of its population is tribal and the Congress’ arch rival, the Ma- hakaushal Ganatantra Party, a tribal outfit, is bent on reservation. Kamal Nath is lobbying for neighbouring Baitul to be reserved instead, because he is unsure of his chances of survival outside Chhindwara. And, taking re- course to the good old ‘development’ bandwagon, he recently invited lead- ing industrialists for a meeting to dis- cuss investment in Chhindwara.
The ambitious politician has also been an astute businessman. His fam- ily’s company, Electric Manufacturing Company, did business with the MP government, irrespective of who was ruling in Bhopal. The firm was sold recently. It also forged his links with Arjun Singh. The latter’s son, Abhi- manyu Singh, owns a factory in Ban- galore that supplied power equipment to the Nath company.
is political moves have not always fructified. He recently sent a feeler to fellow MP Congressman Digvijay Singh, sug- gesting that he contest a Rajya Sabha seat from the state. But the Kshatriya felt insulted at this implication that he could only enter Parliament through the “back door”. Worse, he saw it as a ploy by Kamal Nath to curry favour with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh by keeping his foe, Arjun Singh, from being re-elected to the Rajya Sabha.
The former environment minister also received much flak for interfer- ing with the flow of the Beas river in Himachal Pradesh. A family property, Span Motels, that stood on the Beas riverbank would often get flooded when the volume of water increased. A series of constructions was built to divert the river away from the resort. A PIL was filed and Kamal Nath ulti- mately had to pay extensive damages.
A loner within the party, Kamal Nath knows the value of displaying proximity to 10 Janpath. His house in Chhindwara is full of giant pictures of himself with Sonia Gandhi in postures suggestive of conferring, listening, and confiding. Admittedly, he is close to her political advisor, Ahmed Patel. Of late, says the grapevine, he has set his heart on the finance ministry. But the present incumbent of the post Kamal Nath covets is mounting his own de- fensive volley – witness the none too charitable comments on the SEZ issue in the current Economic Survey. So, though he has proved an able minister, it seems he will continue cherishing a dream 10 Janpath is unlikely to be able to fulfil very soon.
Not Many Know
„Kamal Nath’s knowledge of the judicial system helped Sanjay Gandhi tide over the legal hassles involving censorship and evidence-tampering in the post-Emergency Kissa Kursi Ka case.
„Rajiv’s and Sonia’s hostility towards him stemmed from suspicion that he was one of the masterminds—along with Akbar “Dumpy” Ahmed—of the San- jay Vichar Manch, the quasi-political organization of Sanjay Gandhi loyalists that emerged after Sanjay’s death. Kamal Nath, a staunch Sanjay acolyte (and a Doon School buddy of Rajiv and Sanjay) who competed with VC Shukla for prominence during Sanjay’s ascendancy, distanced himself from that group.
He won the confidence of the Rajiv-Sonia durbar because of his ability to ferret out accurate information on dissidence and potential threats from Con- gress-ruled states. Rajiv and then Sonia were impressed by his development of Chhindwara into a model Parliamentary constituency. Rajiv’s spin doctors, particularly Captain Satish Sharma, used the model to develop Amethi.
His rivalry with Madhavrao Scindia had a larger political imperative: it was intended to keep the Gwalior Maharaja’s prime ministerial ambitions in check and thwart his becoming a challenger to the Nehru-Gandhis.
He has strong ties with powerful leaders of all parties, including the BJP and the CPI(M). He is still used by the Congress as a back-channel negotiator to sort out differences with the CPI(M). Jyoti Basu’s son, Chandan, is a close friend.
Kamal Nath throws some of the best-organized and lavish dinner parties at- tended by India’s glitterati and his close childhood friends. He plays host to the country’s best-known journalists. He is a gourmet with a taste for European casseroles, delicately-flavoured clear soups, and Szechuan Chinese dishes and takes pride in his kitchen – run by seasoned chefs. He likes French wines and premium Scotch whisky.
He has been an off-again-on-again smoker, preferring American brands. In order to kick the habit, he chewed gum that reduced craving for nicotine.
He is famous for being a workaholic and a severe task master. No file ever waits on his table. He detests bureaucratic procrastination and is intolerant of any IAS official who does not jump at his commands. He is a stickler for punctu- ality and demands total secrecy and loyalty from his officials. In return, he is a generous friend and brings them gifts from abroad.
His ability to handle complex environmental issues won him huge recogni- tion at the Rio Earth Summit. A former New York Times journalist, Pranay Gupte, not easily impressed, turned into an admirer of Kamal Nath.
The Sonia durbar keeps a close watch on him as he is considered a compul- sive conspirator. With Scindia and Rajesh Pilot dead, and Jagdish Tytler side- lined, Kamal Nath is among the last of the Middle-Aged Turks who can stake a claim to national recognition from the Congress.
Editor, gfiles
